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While a confident Bhupinder Singh Hooda proclaimed that “all 36 biradari across Haryana have supported the formation of a Congress government” in the state, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) manifesto proudly promises cheaper loans, amplified land ownership for the 36 biradari. As the campaign for the Haryana Assembly election on October 5 hots up, the term ’36 biradari’ has become a staple in most discourse.
However, it isn’t just politicians who swear by the ’36 biradari’, even young YouTubers have often used the term to their advantage.
The phrase, popularised by YouTuber Elivsh Yadav and controversial internet personality Rajat Dalal among the GenZ, actually has a heavy social and political connotation.
Other than Haryana, the ’36 biradari’ concept is prevalent in Punjab and Rajasthan.
Against the backdrop of the election in Haryana, political parties like the Congress, the BJP and the Jannayak Janta Party (JJP), fancying their chances, are clearly seeking the validation of the ’36 biradari’ as they want to be seen as their well-wishers by addressing their concerns.
What are these ’36 biradari’ and how do they behave socially and politically? Do they carry momentum enough to swing votes to decide the fate of the 90-member Haryana Assembly?
The word ‘biradari’ most likely originates from the Persian word ‘baradar’, which denotes brotherhood or a clan with a common ancestry.
“In Haryana’s context, the ’36 biradari’ is a broad social classification of the various castes and communities that have historically resided in the region”, Sunil Kumar, professor of sociology at Kurukshetra University, tells India Today Digital.
“Although there could be thousands of other castes in Haryana, the clubbing of the 36 communities and castes as one is different from that of the social hierarchy,” adds Professor Kumar, underlining the phrase to be a glue that binds the communities of the state.
“The 36 biradari may not essentially comprise 36 castes. In some instances, a number of identical castes are often clubbed as one unit among the 36,” explains Sunil Kumar, the Kurukshetra-based academic.
The concept of ’36 biradaris’ is not as precise as it sounds.
Despite the specific number provided, there is no definitive list of exactly ’36 biradari’. Instead, it is a colloquial term that encompasses a broad spectrum of castes and communities, like Brahmins, Jats, Gurjars, Baniyas, Rajputs, Punjabis, Sunars, Sainis, Ahirs, Kushwahas and Kumhars among others.
The use of the idea of ’36 biradari’ actually plays a crucial role in marital relationships, dispute resolution, and providing social security and a sense of identity, honour and unity among the members.
In the political arena, the ’36 biradari’ has appeared time and again. Used as a rallying cry for unity and inclusiveness, political parties have tried to invoke the phrase to their advantage.
“However, the political invocation of the ’36 biradari’ is not more than 30-35 years old,” Professor Sunil Kumar of Kurukshetra University tells India Today Digital. “It was during the chief ministership of Om Prakash Chautala in the 1990s and the following decade, that the term started to gain political mileage.
Now, leaders from various parties frequently assert their commitment to the welfare of all ’36 biradaris’, aiming to garner support from a diverse voter base. For instance, former Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda has consistently positioned the Congress as the ‘party of the 36 biradaris’.
On the other hand, in the run-up to the 2024 Assembly polls, the BJP has promised to establish welfare boards for each of these communities if voted back into power, among other promises aimed at the ’36 biradaris’.
BJP’s former ally, the JJP’s supremo Dushyant Chautala, who is in an alliance with Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party, the other day said that his party is among those who believe in taking along all the ’36 biradaris’ together.
The concept of ’36 biradari’ also has a nuanced dynamic when it comes to the Jat community, one of the most influential and affluent groups in Haryana.
During the Jat reservation agitation in 2016, which was marked by significant violence, a loose coalition known as the ’35 biradari’ came together to counter the Jat movement. It was 36 biradari-minus-one concept.
The protests paralysed the state and adjoining districts in the neighbouring states of Rajasthan and UP.
The coalition included Sainis, Ahirs, Punjabis, and Khatris, among others, to oppose the demands of the Jats, who sought inclusion in the list of Other Backward Classed (OBCs).
In the upcoming Assembly polls, the appeal to the ’36 biradari’ is a strategic move by political parties to consolidate votes as much is at stake. The Congress, out of power in the state since 2014, is trying hard to wrestle power while the BJP, facing voters’ ire on several fronts like the Agnipath scheme and the now-junked farm laws, is looking to save its position in a contest which is no longer bipolar.
Both the BJP and the Congress are carefully selected candidates to represent various biradari, aiming to capture the broadest possible support base.
Although the parties have the ’36 biradari’ in mind in the election campaign, sociologist professor Sunil Kumar says, it is hardly a factor in the election.
“It is rather an emotional rhetoric invoked to show strength and unity for a specific party,” he explains. “There are many more important factors at play this time,” he adds.